The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), a centrist, non-ideological “rally” has dominated Nigerian democracy since 1999. Having controlled the presidency, National Assembly and most state governorships and legislative houses for 12 years, it often has not acted as if it fully appreciates the weight of its moral and political responsibility! PDP can claim to be the party of national unity (evidently the bonds of power and money are deeper than tribe, tongue and faith!), economic reform and international acceptance. In the South-South, North-Central and South-East, PDP is the default party, and in the North, it is often the party of the mainstream establishment.
Ex-President Obasanjo reformed telecommunications; negotiated Nigeria’s re-acceptance into the international community and restored a sense of nationhood that dangerously tethered on the edge during Abacha’s days of terror. In his second term, Obasanjo assembled a strong economic team leading to the elimination of Nigerian foreign debt; pension reforms; banking consolidation; macroeconomic stability and strong fiscal management. He was less successful on social reforms with education, health and social infrastructure remaining sub-optimal and poverty endemic. Even though he eventually developed the right template for power sector reforms (Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005), Obasanjo failed in its implementation. Umaru Yar’adua’s tenure recorded only one major achievement-the Niger-Delta amnesty.
The PDP’s greatest failings are the quality of democratic practice, shameful elections conducted in 2003 and 2007 and deepening of corruption in Nigeria. Fortunately for the party, its opponents cannot claim substantive qualitative difference as politicians cross from party to party opportunistically such that sensible voters have now learnt to evaluate candidates for political office on the basis of individual assessments. When President Goodluck Jonathan became substantive president in May 2010, just 10 months ago, I wrote “Memo to Goodluck Jonathan” in which I argued (consistent with opinions expressed by other commentators and newspaper editorials) that given the short time at his disposal, he should concentrate on limited priorities-power, electoral reform and Niger-Delta. On each of these, the president scores an A!
He unveiled an excellent power sector road map designed to place the sector under private sector ownership and management; and executed it leading to expressions of interest from over 331 credible local and international investors. I will personally like Jonathan and Professor Barth Nnaji to conclude the implementation of this road map!!! Especially as his main opponents do not seem to understand what is required to reform the sector. In the short term, power production has reportedly risen to 4,000 MW. Current oil production figures of 2.6million barrels per day are a clear indicator of success of Jonathan’s Niger-Delta policy, (in spite of the activities of a strange “MEND” whose strategic objectives seem to tally with those of the “Northern Political Leaders Forum” (NPLF) rather than the Niger-Delta!!!)
Jonathan appointed Professor Attahiru Jega INEC chairman and has conducted fairly credible elections in Anambra (where PDP lost) and Delta States. He provided every funding requested by INEC and freed up the political space, including by restoring ACN candidate Nuhu Ribadu’s AIG rank and permitting him and Nasir El-Rufai return from exile.
I do not know the point at which public opinion (or mass hysteria?) evolved into expecting Jonathan to solve in ten months all the problems of the Nigerian state accumulated over 5o years of independence, a clearly irrational expectation!!! But surprisingly Jonathan has recorded other successes. Education-new national secondary curriculum; highest budgetary allocation for education in 2011 budget proposals; a policy of establishing centres for entrepreneurial development in all federal universities; “Almajiri” education policy; and establishment of nine new federal universities; transportation-revival of rail systems; upgrading the Enugu airport to international status; achieving total radar coverage and US Category 3 status permitting resumption of direct flights; new terminal building at Aminu Kano Airport Kano; labour-new minimum wage and constitutional amendment on National Industrial Court.
Gas and Energy-“gas revolution” policy framework for leveraging gas for industrialisation; $3bn Oando/AGIP gas processing plant; petrochemical plant and several fertiliser plants in conjunction with foreign investors; refineries reportedly working at capacity and absence of fuel queues; roads-multiple ongoing road projects, including East-West and Coastal Road; citizens engagement on Facebook and proactive actions to rescue Nigerians in Egypt and Libya; revival of textile sector through government support; several industrial intervention funds for aviation, SMEs, entertainment, manufacturing, power etc; foreign policy-sensible diplomatic posture leading to strong roles in ECOWAS, UN and bilateral relations. Despite permutations, he united the PDP behind him trouncing the formidable Atiku Abubakar during the party’s primaries. In spite of severe provocations, he successfully navigated minefields during the Yar’adua vacuum and thereafter. He may yet deliver on important legislations-Sovereign Wealth Fund, Freedom of Information, and Petroleum Industry Bills and has already passed AMCON, minimum wage and money laundering/anti-terrorism bills.
Jonathan can claim to be the candidate of national unity, a federation of co-equal nationalities and national integration, freedom and openness, power sector reform, education and critical infrastructure. His major weakness is his party, but in spite of that, I think he is the sensible choice in these elections! I score him 7 for personal qualities; 6 on vision and leadership; 7 for policy platform and manifesto; 6 on economic management; 4 on anti-corruption; 8 for international relations; 8 on national unity and stability; 8 on democracy and institution-building; 7 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 6 for administration and execution and 6 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 73 out of a possible 110 marks.
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), a centrist, non-ideological “rally” has dominated Nigerian democracy since 1999. Having controlled the presidency, National Assembly and most state governorships and legislative houses for 12 years, it often has not acted as if it fully appreciates the weight of its moral and political responsibility! PDP can claim to be the party of national unity (evidently the bonds of power and money are deeper than tribe, tongue and faith!), economic reform and international acceptance. In the South-South, North-Central and South-East, PDP is the default party, and in the North, it is often the party of the mainstream establishment.
Ex-President Obasanjo reformed telecommunications; negotiated Nigeria’s re-acceptance into the international community and restored a sense of nationhood that dangerously tethered on the edge during Abacha’s days of terror. In his second term, Obasanjo assembled a strong economic team leading to the elimination of Nigerian foreign debt; pension reforms; banking consolidation; macroeconomic stability and strong fiscal management. He was less successful on social reforms with education, health and social infrastructure remaining sub-optimal and poverty endemic. Even though he eventually developed the right template for power sector reforms (Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005), Obasanjo failed in its implementation. Umaru Yar’adua’s tenure recorded only one major achievement-the Niger-Delta amnesty.
The PDP’s greatest failings are the quality of democratic practice, shameful elections conducted in 2003 and 2007 and deepening of corruption in Nigeria. Fortunately for the party, its opponents cannot claim substantive qualitative difference as politicians cross from party to party opportunistically such that sensible voters have now learnt to evaluate candidates for political office on the basis of individual assessments. When President Goodluck Jonathan became substantive president in May 2010, just 10 months ago, I wrote “Memo to Goodluck Jonathan” in which I argued (consistent with opinions expressed by other commentators and newspaper editorials) that given the short time at his disposal, he should concentrate on limited priorities-power, electoral reform and Niger-Delta. On each of these, the president scores an A!
He unveiled an excellent power sector road map designed to place the sector under private sector ownership and management; and executed it leading to expressions of interest from over 331 credible local and international investors. I will personally like Jonathan and Professor Barth Nnaji to conclude the implementation of this road map!!! Especially as his main opponents do not seem to understand what is required to reform the sector. In the short term, power production has reportedly risen to 4,000 MW. Current oil production figures of 2.6million barrels per day are a clear indicator of success of Jonathan’s Niger-Delta policy, (in spite of the activities of a strange “MEND” whose strategic objectives seem to tally with those of the “Northern Political Leaders Forum” (NPLF) rather than the Niger-Delta!!!)
Jonathan appointed Professor Attahiru Jega INEC chairman and has conducted fairly credible elections in Anambra (where PDP lost) and Delta States. He provided every funding requested by INEC and freed up the political space, including by restoring ACN candidate Nuhu Ribadu’s AIG rank and permitting him and Nasir El-Rufai return from exile.
I do not know the point at which public opinion (or mass hysteria?) evolved into expecting Jonathan to solve in ten months all the problems of the Nigerian state accumulated over 5o years of independence, a clearly irrational expectation!!! But surprisingly Jonathan has recorded other successes. Education-new national secondary curriculum; highest budgetary allocation for education in 2011 budget proposals; a policy of establishing centres for entrepreneurial development in all federal universities; “Almajiri” education policy; and establishment of nine new federal universities; transportation-revival of rail systems; upgrading the Enugu airport to international status; achieving total radar coverage and US Category 3 status permitting resumption of direct flights; new terminal building at Aminu Kano Airport Kano; labour-new minimum wage and constitutional amendment on National Industrial Court.
Gas and Energy-“gas revolution” policy framework for leveraging gas for industrialisation; $3bn Oando/AGIP gas processing plant; petrochemical plant and several fertiliser plants in conjunction with foreign investors; refineries reportedly working at capacity and absence of fuel queues; roads-multiple ongoing road projects, including East-West and Coastal Road; citizens engagement on Facebook and proactive actions to rescue Nigerians in Egypt and Libya; revival of textile sector through government support; several industrial intervention funds for aviation, SMEs, entertainment, manufacturing, power etc; foreign policy-sensible diplomatic posture leading to strong roles in ECOWAS, UN and bilateral relations. Despite permutations, he united the PDP behind him trouncing the formidable Atiku Abubakar during the party’s primaries. In spite of severe provocations, he successfully navigated minefields during the Yar’adua vacuum and thereafter. He may yet deliver on important legislations-Sovereign Wealth Fund, Freedom of Information, and Petroleum Industry Bills and has already passed AMCON, minimum wage and money laundering/anti-terrorism bills.
Jonathan can claim to be the candidate of national unity, a federation of co-equal nationalities and national integration, freedom and openness, power sector reform, education and critical infrastructure. His major weakness is his party, but in spite of that, I think he is the sensible choice in these elections! I score him 7 for personal qualities; 6 on vision and leadership; 7 for policy platform and manifesto; 6 on economic management; 4 on anti-corruption; 8 for international relations; 8 on national unity and stability; 8 on democracy and institution-building; 7 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 6 for administration and execution and 6 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 73 out of a possible 110 marks.
Ex-President Obasanjo reformed telecommunications; negotiated Nigeria’s re-acceptance into the international community and restored a sense of nationhood that dangerously tethered on the edge during Abacha’s days of terror. In his second term, Obasanjo assembled a strong economic team leading to the elimination of Nigerian foreign debt; pension reforms; banking consolidation; macroeconomic stability and strong fiscal management. He was less successful on social reforms with education, health and social infrastructure remaining sub-optimal and poverty endemic. Even though he eventually developed the right template for power sector reforms (Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005), Obasanjo failed in its implementation. Umaru Yar’adua’s tenure recorded only one major achievement-the Niger-Delta amnesty.
The PDP’s greatest failings are the quality of democratic practice, shameful elections conducted in 2003 and 2007 and deepening of corruption in Nigeria. Fortunately for the party, its opponents cannot claim substantive qualitative difference as politicians cross from party to party opportunistically such that sensible voters have now learnt to evaluate candidates for political office on the basis of individual assessments. When President Goodluck Jonathan became substantive president in May 2010, just 10 months ago, I wrote “Memo to Goodluck Jonathan” in which I argued (consistent with opinions expressed by other commentators and newspaper editorials) that given the short time at his disposal, he should concentrate on limited priorities-power, electoral reform and Niger-Delta. On each of these, the president scores an A!
He unveiled an excellent power sector road map designed to place the sector under private sector ownership and management; and executed it leading to expressions of interest from over 331 credible local and international investors. I will personally like Jonathan and Professor Barth Nnaji to conclude the implementation of this road map!!! Especially as his main opponents do not seem to understand what is required to reform the sector. In the short term, power production has reportedly risen to 4,000 MW. Current oil production figures of 2.6million barrels per day are a clear indicator of success of Jonathan’s Niger-Delta policy, (in spite of the activities of a strange “MEND” whose strategic objectives seem to tally with those of the “Northern Political Leaders Forum” (NPLF) rather than the Niger-Delta!!!)
Jonathan appointed Professor Attahiru Jega INEC chairman and has conducted fairly credible elections in Anambra (where PDP lost) and Delta States. He provided every funding requested by INEC and freed up the political space, including by restoring ACN candidate Nuhu Ribadu’s AIG rank and permitting him and Nasir El-Rufai return from exile.
I do not know the point at which public opinion (or mass hysteria?) evolved into expecting Jonathan to solve in ten months all the problems of the Nigerian state accumulated over 5o years of independence, a clearly irrational expectation!!! But surprisingly Jonathan has recorded other successes. Education-new national secondary curriculum; highest budgetary allocation for education in 2011 budget proposals; a policy of establishing centres for entrepreneurial development in all federal universities; “Almajiri” education policy; and establishment of nine new federal universities; transportation-revival of rail systems; upgrading the Enugu airport to international status; achieving total radar coverage and US Category 3 status permitting resumption of direct flights; new terminal building at Aminu Kano Airport Kano; labour-new minimum wage and constitutional amendment on National Industrial Court.
Gas and Energy-“gas revolution” policy framework for leveraging gas for industrialisation; $3bn Oando/AGIP gas processing plant; petrochemical plant and several fertiliser plants in conjunction with foreign investors; refineries reportedly working at capacity and absence of fuel queues; roads-multiple ongoing road projects, including East-West and Coastal Road; citizens engagement on Facebook and proactive actions to rescue Nigerians in Egypt and Libya; revival of textile sector through government support; several industrial intervention funds for aviation, SMEs, entertainment, manufacturing, power etc; foreign policy-sensible diplomatic posture leading to strong roles in ECOWAS, UN and bilateral relations. Despite permutations, he united the PDP behind him trouncing the formidable Atiku Abubakar during the party’s primaries. In spite of severe provocations, he successfully navigated minefields during the Yar’adua vacuum and thereafter. He may yet deliver on important legislations-Sovereign Wealth Fund, Freedom of Information, and Petroleum Industry Bills and has already passed AMCON, minimum wage and money laundering/anti-terrorism bills.
Jonathan can claim to be the candidate of national unity, a federation of co-equal nationalities and national integration, freedom and openness, power sector reform, education and critical infrastructure. His major weakness is his party, but in spite of that, I think he is the sensible choice in these elections! I score him 7 for personal qualities; 6 on vision and leadership; 7 for policy platform and manifesto; 6 on economic management; 4 on anti-corruption; 8 for international relations; 8 on national unity and stability; 8 on democracy and institution-building; 7 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 6 for administration and execution and 6 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 73 out of a possible 110 marks.
Wednesday, March 23, 2011
Presidential Scorecards-Nuhu Ribadu
The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) is currently Nigeria’s second largest political party controlling Lagos, Osun, Ekiti and Edo states, the last three by virtue of court judgments which restored to ACN victories earlier credited to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). ACN was founded essentially by former Lagos State Governor, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar who used it as a platform for contesting the presidency in 2007 before returning to PDP to seek its nomination in 2011. It is interesting that in 2007 and 2011, all the four individuals on the ACN presidential tickets have strong roots in the PDP-Atiku’s running mate, Senator Ben Obi (who also returned to PDP) was a PDP Senator and Special Adviser to the National Security Adviser;
Nuhu Ribadu was appointed EFCC Chairman, served in the Obasanjo economic team and was influential in PDP internal politics especially the 2007 primaries; and Fola Adeola his running-mate was Obasanjo’s nominee to Blair Commission, and was appointed Transcorp CEO and Pension Commission Chairman by Obasanjo. He also considered a Senatorial campaign on the platform of the PDP. In this election, many ACN governorship candidates are also straight from the PDP! While some (such as Ibikunle Amosun in Ogun and Senator Mbu Jnr) may be considered “progressives”, it is difficult to attach such label to Abiye Sekibo in Rivers State; ex-Governor Saminu Turaki in Jigawa; Senator Ifeanyi Araurume in Imo and many other PDP decampees across the nation that the ACN has handed governorship and legislative tickets to!!!
This trend illustrates the ideological confusion that has seemingly engulfed the ACN with the implication that in spite of posturing and propaganda, it has not sufficiently differentiated itself in the political space, at least based on rational and sincere analysis!!! However the party seems to have done one significant thing right-its selection of Babatunde Raji Fashola as Lagos State Governor has been prescient, and Fashola’s performance is undisputable evidence of progressive politics and administration that the ACN can hold forth. Tinubu during his governorship, was self-assured enough to assemble a first-class cabinet, second to none in Nigeria, and developed policy templates which enabled his successor to hit the ground running. Beyond these, the ACN stands guilty of all the problems afflicting Nigerian politics and is often worse in internal democracy than the others!
Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the ACN presidential candidate is 50 years old. He graduated in law from Ahmadu Bello University in 1983; was called to the Nigerian bar in 1984; earned a Masters Degree in Law, also from ABU and commenced a career as a police officer. Ribadu was nominated by Atiku Abubakar and appointed by Obasanjo as Chairman of the newly-formed Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2003 and re-appointed (and also promoted to Assistant-Inspector General of Police) in 2007. Both promotion and re-appointment did not stand as the government of Umaru Yar’adua incited by Ribadu’s former foes got him removed as EFCC boss, demoted to Assistant Commissioner of Police and dismissed from the force. President Jonathan restored his rank and converted the dismissal to retirement when he became substantive president!
Ribadu had a fruitful but controversial time at EFCC. To his credit, for the first time in Nigeria, it seemed that corruption had consequences! On the other hand, it is accurate to add that this was true, particularly if you were an adversary of Ribadu’s then boss, Obasanjo!!! It was unfortunate that Ribadu often allowed the EFCC to be used as a tool of political persecution-to blackmail state legislators into supporting controversial impeachments of state governors or produce advisory lists of indicted politicians which Obasanjo attempted to use to frustrate politicians whose ambitions he did not support. Nevertheless Ribadu’s courage and passion for the job won him support from many Nigerians, including this columnist.
However Ribadu cannot wave away the moral questions raised by his running on the platform of the ACN whose leader he had publicly criticised for corruption and who appears to have since developed deep business links with the Chagourys whose role in Nigerian corruption Ribadu is aware of! When Ribadu claims that the PDP has embezzled $300million, he raises the question as to how much of this was between 2003 and 2007 when it was his job to prevent or detect such behaviour, and how much of this was stolen by his close friends within the government. When Ribadu’s running-mate calls PDP, “poverty development party”, it is legitimate to ask if pension reforms were part of that process of developing poverty! Ribadu has developed a well-written manifesto focused on human capital development (health; education; women; and social security); economic management; corruption and governance; Niger-Delta; power and infrastructure and agriculture etc and selected a very good running-mate Mr Fola Adeola, former GTBank CEO, who could help him execute those plans.
All things considered, I personally doubt that Ribadu has the temperament and maturity required to function successfully as president of Nigeria! I score him 6 for personal qualities; 6 on vision and leadership; 6 for policy platform and manifesto; 7 on economic management; 6 on anti-corruption; 6 for international relations; 6 on national unity and stability; 4 on democracy and institution-building; 5 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 7 for administration and execution and 7 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 66 out of a possible 110 marks.
Nuhu Ribadu was appointed EFCC Chairman, served in the Obasanjo economic team and was influential in PDP internal politics especially the 2007 primaries; and Fola Adeola his running-mate was Obasanjo’s nominee to Blair Commission, and was appointed Transcorp CEO and Pension Commission Chairman by Obasanjo. He also considered a Senatorial campaign on the platform of the PDP. In this election, many ACN governorship candidates are also straight from the PDP! While some (such as Ibikunle Amosun in Ogun and Senator Mbu Jnr) may be considered “progressives”, it is difficult to attach such label to Abiye Sekibo in Rivers State; ex-Governor Saminu Turaki in Jigawa; Senator Ifeanyi Araurume in Imo and many other PDP decampees across the nation that the ACN has handed governorship and legislative tickets to!!!
This trend illustrates the ideological confusion that has seemingly engulfed the ACN with the implication that in spite of posturing and propaganda, it has not sufficiently differentiated itself in the political space, at least based on rational and sincere analysis!!! However the party seems to have done one significant thing right-its selection of Babatunde Raji Fashola as Lagos State Governor has been prescient, and Fashola’s performance is undisputable evidence of progressive politics and administration that the ACN can hold forth. Tinubu during his governorship, was self-assured enough to assemble a first-class cabinet, second to none in Nigeria, and developed policy templates which enabled his successor to hit the ground running. Beyond these, the ACN stands guilty of all the problems afflicting Nigerian politics and is often worse in internal democracy than the others!
Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the ACN presidential candidate is 50 years old. He graduated in law from Ahmadu Bello University in 1983; was called to the Nigerian bar in 1984; earned a Masters Degree in Law, also from ABU and commenced a career as a police officer. Ribadu was nominated by Atiku Abubakar and appointed by Obasanjo as Chairman of the newly-formed Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2003 and re-appointed (and also promoted to Assistant-Inspector General of Police) in 2007. Both promotion and re-appointment did not stand as the government of Umaru Yar’adua incited by Ribadu’s former foes got him removed as EFCC boss, demoted to Assistant Commissioner of Police and dismissed from the force. President Jonathan restored his rank and converted the dismissal to retirement when he became substantive president!
Ribadu had a fruitful but controversial time at EFCC. To his credit, for the first time in Nigeria, it seemed that corruption had consequences! On the other hand, it is accurate to add that this was true, particularly if you were an adversary of Ribadu’s then boss, Obasanjo!!! It was unfortunate that Ribadu often allowed the EFCC to be used as a tool of political persecution-to blackmail state legislators into supporting controversial impeachments of state governors or produce advisory lists of indicted politicians which Obasanjo attempted to use to frustrate politicians whose ambitions he did not support. Nevertheless Ribadu’s courage and passion for the job won him support from many Nigerians, including this columnist.
However Ribadu cannot wave away the moral questions raised by his running on the platform of the ACN whose leader he had publicly criticised for corruption and who appears to have since developed deep business links with the Chagourys whose role in Nigerian corruption Ribadu is aware of! When Ribadu claims that the PDP has embezzled $300million, he raises the question as to how much of this was between 2003 and 2007 when it was his job to prevent or detect such behaviour, and how much of this was stolen by his close friends within the government. When Ribadu’s running-mate calls PDP, “poverty development party”, it is legitimate to ask if pension reforms were part of that process of developing poverty! Ribadu has developed a well-written manifesto focused on human capital development (health; education; women; and social security); economic management; corruption and governance; Niger-Delta; power and infrastructure and agriculture etc and selected a very good running-mate Mr Fola Adeola, former GTBank CEO, who could help him execute those plans.
All things considered, I personally doubt that Ribadu has the temperament and maturity required to function successfully as president of Nigeria! I score him 6 for personal qualities; 6 on vision and leadership; 6 for policy platform and manifesto; 7 on economic management; 6 on anti-corruption; 6 for international relations; 6 on national unity and stability; 4 on democracy and institution-building; 5 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 7 for administration and execution and 7 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 66 out of a possible 110 marks.
Wednesday, March 16, 2011
Presidential Scorecards-Ibrahim Shekarau
The All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), previously known as All Peoples Party (APP) has since 1999 usually been the second largest political grouping in Nigeria. It has since lost that position to the ACN. In 1999, the APP won nine or so governorships, all in Northern Nigeria. The party contested the 1999 elections in alliance with the Alliance for Democracy (AD) with Chief Olu Falae of AD as presidential candidate and APP’s Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi as his running mate. ANPP’s strength has since been whittled down through defections, opportunism and other crass behaviour by its governors and leaders such that ANPP now controls only Kano, Borno and Yobe states. Its leaders have often acted as agents and allies of other political parties (AD in 1999 and usually PDP since then) rather than advance the party’s institutional interests.
The party is clearly a conservative, Northern-based party and may be regarded as the “party of Shariah” as virtually all its governors led its implementation in the Northern States in 2000-2002, after then Zamfara State Governor, Sani Yerima led the way. ANPP’s presidential candidate in the 2003 and 2007 elections was General Muhammadu Buhari who has since left to form his own party. Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau has been governor of Kano State since 2003 on the platform of ANPP. It is difficult to associate the ANPP with any economic or developmental agenda or any articulation or defence of the national interest. Its governors (including a succession of national chairman and most of its governors have been content with co-sharing the “dividends of democracy” with the PDP, starting usually with declared or undeclared alliances or “government of national unity” and culminating frequently in wholesale cooption and decampment to the PDP!
Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, the party’s presidential candidate for the April 2011 general elections is 55 years old and was born in Kano the son of a police officer. He received a Bachelors of Education Degree in Mathematics/Education in 1977 and worked as school teacher, civil servant, college principal and permanent secretary in the Kano State civil service before resigning to work with Alhaji Aminu Dantata as private secretary from where he contested and won the governorship against then incumbent Rabiu Musa Kwankaso of the PDP. News reports record that Shekarau as governor opposed polio immunisation (he claimed on BBC Hardtalk some days back that he merely suspended the programme) on the suspicion that it was an attempt by World Health Organisation (WHO) to make Muslim women less fertile! Shekarau has indeed anchored his governance philosophy around twin concepts of human development and social justice with stricter implementation of Shariah law as its linchpin.
Indeed Shekarau in an advance post-mortem of his period as governor declared on December 31, 2010 that “Shariah implementation remains one of the cardinal features of this administration. It represents a key aspiration for the good people of Kano and one which our dear party, the ANPP was entrusted to uphold. Over the past seven and a half years, the period since we assumed office, the aspiration of our people for Shariah has been met foremost, through the establishment of a foundation that will be difficult to scrape (sic) off through any executive feat (sic). Six agencies have been founded, backed with enabling laws, to develop programs, pursue and implement components of Shariah social policy in a way that will be sustainable”. The governor celebrates the state’s Shariah Commission; Hisbah Board; Zakkah and Hubsi Commission; Ramadan Feeding Initiative and other Shariah-compliant initiatives which are evidently popular with Kano indigenes. The governor also touts the rehabilitation of six schools; conversion of Vocational Training Centre, Dambatta to a full boarding technical college; recruitment of over 7,000 teachers; an initiative to increase planting of maize; investment in health infrastructure and rural electrification, amongst few others.
It is difficult to define Mallam Shekarau’s policy focus if he is elected president. The party has not published any manifesto or policy document on the internet. In his speech on August 5, 2010 declaring intent to run for presidency (accessible on http://www.shekaraufornigeria.org/speeches), Shekarau was long on rhetoric, but short on vision, policy or strategy! To his credit, he appears to have presided over a relatively peaceful and harmonious period in Kano, though his ardent Shariah advocacy and clear rejection of secularism may prove challenging as president over a multi-religious nation. It is difficult to find strong reasons recommending Shekarau for Nigeria’s presidency. His tenure in Kano has been pretty unremarkable and undistinguished. He has however picked a fairly-competent, though perhaps dated running-mate in Chief John Odigie-Oyegun who was a federal permanent secretary and Edo State governor before joining the ANPP.
I score Shekarau 6 for personal qualities; 4 on vision and leadership; 3 for policy platform and manifesto; 3 on economic management; 5 on anti-corruption; 4 for international relations; 5 on national unity and stability; 6 on democracy and institution-building; 3 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 5 for administration and execution and 6 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 50 out of a possible 110 marks.
The party is clearly a conservative, Northern-based party and may be regarded as the “party of Shariah” as virtually all its governors led its implementation in the Northern States in 2000-2002, after then Zamfara State Governor, Sani Yerima led the way. ANPP’s presidential candidate in the 2003 and 2007 elections was General Muhammadu Buhari who has since left to form his own party. Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau has been governor of Kano State since 2003 on the platform of ANPP. It is difficult to associate the ANPP with any economic or developmental agenda or any articulation or defence of the national interest. Its governors (including a succession of national chairman and most of its governors have been content with co-sharing the “dividends of democracy” with the PDP, starting usually with declared or undeclared alliances or “government of national unity” and culminating frequently in wholesale cooption and decampment to the PDP!
Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, the party’s presidential candidate for the April 2011 general elections is 55 years old and was born in Kano the son of a police officer. He received a Bachelors of Education Degree in Mathematics/Education in 1977 and worked as school teacher, civil servant, college principal and permanent secretary in the Kano State civil service before resigning to work with Alhaji Aminu Dantata as private secretary from where he contested and won the governorship against then incumbent Rabiu Musa Kwankaso of the PDP. News reports record that Shekarau as governor opposed polio immunisation (he claimed on BBC Hardtalk some days back that he merely suspended the programme) on the suspicion that it was an attempt by World Health Organisation (WHO) to make Muslim women less fertile! Shekarau has indeed anchored his governance philosophy around twin concepts of human development and social justice with stricter implementation of Shariah law as its linchpin.
Indeed Shekarau in an advance post-mortem of his period as governor declared on December 31, 2010 that “Shariah implementation remains one of the cardinal features of this administration. It represents a key aspiration for the good people of Kano and one which our dear party, the ANPP was entrusted to uphold. Over the past seven and a half years, the period since we assumed office, the aspiration of our people for Shariah has been met foremost, through the establishment of a foundation that will be difficult to scrape (sic) off through any executive feat (sic). Six agencies have been founded, backed with enabling laws, to develop programs, pursue and implement components of Shariah social policy in a way that will be sustainable”. The governor celebrates the state’s Shariah Commission; Hisbah Board; Zakkah and Hubsi Commission; Ramadan Feeding Initiative and other Shariah-compliant initiatives which are evidently popular with Kano indigenes. The governor also touts the rehabilitation of six schools; conversion of Vocational Training Centre, Dambatta to a full boarding technical college; recruitment of over 7,000 teachers; an initiative to increase planting of maize; investment in health infrastructure and rural electrification, amongst few others.
It is difficult to define Mallam Shekarau’s policy focus if he is elected president. The party has not published any manifesto or policy document on the internet. In his speech on August 5, 2010 declaring intent to run for presidency (accessible on http://www.shekaraufornigeria.org/speeches), Shekarau was long on rhetoric, but short on vision, policy or strategy! To his credit, he appears to have presided over a relatively peaceful and harmonious period in Kano, though his ardent Shariah advocacy and clear rejection of secularism may prove challenging as president over a multi-religious nation. It is difficult to find strong reasons recommending Shekarau for Nigeria’s presidency. His tenure in Kano has been pretty unremarkable and undistinguished. He has however picked a fairly-competent, though perhaps dated running-mate in Chief John Odigie-Oyegun who was a federal permanent secretary and Edo State governor before joining the ANPP.
I score Shekarau 6 for personal qualities; 4 on vision and leadership; 3 for policy platform and manifesto; 3 on economic management; 5 on anti-corruption; 4 for international relations; 5 on national unity and stability; 6 on democracy and institution-building; 3 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 5 for administration and execution and 6 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 50 out of a possible 110 marks.
Wednesday, March 9, 2011
Presidential Scorecards: Muhummadu Buhari
The Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) is the latest major party in the polity. However CPC is not exactly new as its leader Muhammadu Buhari contested the last two presidential elections on the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and merely moved his “The Buhari Organisation” to CPC. Its core is the Hausa/Fulani, Islamic, North West; its soul and popularity are attributable to Buhari; and it’s “CEO” and “Executive Director” are Dr Sule Hamma and Alhaji Buba Galadinma who are Director-General and Secretary respectively. Both men were senior functionaries in the General Sani Abacha regime-Hamma as political adviser and Galadinma as Nigerian Maritime Authority Director-General. General Buhari himself was the powerful Executive Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) under Abacha; and Abacha’s son Muhammed is the party’s governorship candidate in Kano State.
In spite of blurred ideological positions, I place the CPC as a far right grouping as will inevitably be manifest if it attains power at the federal or state levels. All power is vested in a shadowy, unelected Board of Trustees populated by Buhari’s inner core and it is inconceivable that anyone challenge Buhari, Hamma and Galadinma within the party. None of these three individuals has sterling democratic credentials! The CPC’s manifesto includes some promises-devolution of power to states and local governments; removal of constitutional immunity from public officers; transparency and accountability; a target of 10 percent minimum annual GDP growth; modernisation of agriculture; and investments in infrastructure, amongst others. However the manifesto resembles a laundry list of “attractive” promises with little enunciation of how they will be achieved. Nevertheless the existence of such commitments is a fair start.
General Muhammadu Buhari, the presidential candidate was sole aspirant, ratified without opposition at its convention. He previously served between 1975 and 1979 as oil minister under the Murtala/Obasanjo military regime; participated in the December 31, 1993 coup that removed the civilian regime of Alhaji Shehu Shagari; and became military Head of State. As military ruler, he explicitly ruled out a return to civilian rule; indicated that he would tamper with press freedom and consequently enacted Decree 4 under which he jailed two journalists-Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson; enacted retroactive legislation under which some drug dealers were killed-an act of executive murder; and his regime sought to abridge citizens’ rights and fundamental freedoms. Politically Buhari’s was the most unbalanced government in Nigerian history-both himself and his deputy, General Tunde Idiagbon were Hausa/Fulani Muslims (in spite of Idiagbon’s Yoruba sounding name, he was reportedly Fulani) and the composition of his Supreme Military Council was especially lop-sided.
Such seeming parochialism was also reflected in Buhari’s decisions as Head of State-he prematurely cleared the former regime’s leader of corruption, attributing all fault to Shagari’s deputy, Dr Alex Ekwueme who he jailed in Kirikiri prisons, while Shagari was held under house arrest! He seemed particularly intent on dealing with opposition elements rather than the NPN leaders; while the country’s borders were closed during a currency change exercise, the notorious 53 suitcases affair happened reportedly under Buhari’s direct instructions. After leaving office, Buhari presided over the PTF under Abacha’s kleptocratic and murderous regime. While Buhari may be personally incorrupt, there is no evidence that institutions he presided over were spared the vice-Nigerian oil sector from 1975-1979, the counter-trade scam under his military government and the large scale corruption in PTF being clear examples. He has also made statements which re-enforce his image of ethnic and/or religious jingoism-a call for “total implementation of Sharia” all over Nigeria at an Arewa House, Kaduna seminar of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria on August 26, 2001; a call on Muslims to vote for only persons who would defend their faith; incendiary comments as leader of a Fulani delegation to then Oyo governor Lam Adesina; and a statement on June 8, 2008 that General Abacha did not do anything wrong. It is legitimate to worry that while Buhari served in Abacha’s regime, he had no problem with the repression, state-sponsored killings and looting going on. There is absolutely no evidence that the General has changed his mind on any of these issues.
Buhari has shown no interest in policy and economic issues in spite of having contested two previous elections. His military regime’s economic thinking was crude and abysmal and at his party’s recent convention, he merely referred any one interested in finding out his policy thrust to the party manifesto! The evidence indeed suggests that he lacks the temperament for management, effectively abdicating power to a trusted aide in every previous position, now likely to be Hamma or Galadinma. The General’s weaknesses are severe-his credentials and antecedents appear anti-democratic (re-enforced by the CPC structure whose Board of Trustees functions like a Supreme Military Council!) and parochial; he has scant administrative, economic and policy competences; and he comes across as intolerant and inflexible. Unfortunately his running-mate, Pastor Tunde Bakare shares most of these weaknesses!!! Bakare appears to have been selected solely to blunt criticisms of Buhari’s Shariah advocacy.
I score Buhari 7 for personal qualities; 4 on vision and leadership; 6 for policy platform and manifesto; 3 on economic management; 6 on anti-corruption; 4 for international relations; 4 on national unity and stability; 3 on democracy and institution-building; 3 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 3 for administration and execution and 4 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 47 out of a possible 110 marks.
In spite of blurred ideological positions, I place the CPC as a far right grouping as will inevitably be manifest if it attains power at the federal or state levels. All power is vested in a shadowy, unelected Board of Trustees populated by Buhari’s inner core and it is inconceivable that anyone challenge Buhari, Hamma and Galadinma within the party. None of these three individuals has sterling democratic credentials! The CPC’s manifesto includes some promises-devolution of power to states and local governments; removal of constitutional immunity from public officers; transparency and accountability; a target of 10 percent minimum annual GDP growth; modernisation of agriculture; and investments in infrastructure, amongst others. However the manifesto resembles a laundry list of “attractive” promises with little enunciation of how they will be achieved. Nevertheless the existence of such commitments is a fair start.
General Muhammadu Buhari, the presidential candidate was sole aspirant, ratified without opposition at its convention. He previously served between 1975 and 1979 as oil minister under the Murtala/Obasanjo military regime; participated in the December 31, 1993 coup that removed the civilian regime of Alhaji Shehu Shagari; and became military Head of State. As military ruler, he explicitly ruled out a return to civilian rule; indicated that he would tamper with press freedom and consequently enacted Decree 4 under which he jailed two journalists-Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson; enacted retroactive legislation under which some drug dealers were killed-an act of executive murder; and his regime sought to abridge citizens’ rights and fundamental freedoms. Politically Buhari’s was the most unbalanced government in Nigerian history-both himself and his deputy, General Tunde Idiagbon were Hausa/Fulani Muslims (in spite of Idiagbon’s Yoruba sounding name, he was reportedly Fulani) and the composition of his Supreme Military Council was especially lop-sided.
Such seeming parochialism was also reflected in Buhari’s decisions as Head of State-he prematurely cleared the former regime’s leader of corruption, attributing all fault to Shagari’s deputy, Dr Alex Ekwueme who he jailed in Kirikiri prisons, while Shagari was held under house arrest! He seemed particularly intent on dealing with opposition elements rather than the NPN leaders; while the country’s borders were closed during a currency change exercise, the notorious 53 suitcases affair happened reportedly under Buhari’s direct instructions. After leaving office, Buhari presided over the PTF under Abacha’s kleptocratic and murderous regime. While Buhari may be personally incorrupt, there is no evidence that institutions he presided over were spared the vice-Nigerian oil sector from 1975-1979, the counter-trade scam under his military government and the large scale corruption in PTF being clear examples. He has also made statements which re-enforce his image of ethnic and/or religious jingoism-a call for “total implementation of Sharia” all over Nigeria at an Arewa House, Kaduna seminar of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria on August 26, 2001; a call on Muslims to vote for only persons who would defend their faith; incendiary comments as leader of a Fulani delegation to then Oyo governor Lam Adesina; and a statement on June 8, 2008 that General Abacha did not do anything wrong. It is legitimate to worry that while Buhari served in Abacha’s regime, he had no problem with the repression, state-sponsored killings and looting going on. There is absolutely no evidence that the General has changed his mind on any of these issues.
Buhari has shown no interest in policy and economic issues in spite of having contested two previous elections. His military regime’s economic thinking was crude and abysmal and at his party’s recent convention, he merely referred any one interested in finding out his policy thrust to the party manifesto! The evidence indeed suggests that he lacks the temperament for management, effectively abdicating power to a trusted aide in every previous position, now likely to be Hamma or Galadinma. The General’s weaknesses are severe-his credentials and antecedents appear anti-democratic (re-enforced by the CPC structure whose Board of Trustees functions like a Supreme Military Council!) and parochial; he has scant administrative, economic and policy competences; and he comes across as intolerant and inflexible. Unfortunately his running-mate, Pastor Tunde Bakare shares most of these weaknesses!!! Bakare appears to have been selected solely to blunt criticisms of Buhari’s Shariah advocacy.
I score Buhari 7 for personal qualities; 4 on vision and leadership; 6 for policy platform and manifesto; 3 on economic management; 6 on anti-corruption; 4 for international relations; 4 on national unity and stability; 3 on democracy and institution-building; 3 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 3 for administration and execution and 4 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 47 out of a possible 110 marks.
Presidential Scorecards: Muhummadu Buhari
The Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) is the latest major party in the polity. However CPC is not exactly new as its leader Muhammadu Buhari contested the last two presidential elections on the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and merely moved his “The Buhari Organisation” to CPC. Its core is the Hausa/Fulani, Islamic, North West; its soul and popularity are attributable to Buhari; and it’s “CEO” and “Executive Director” are Dr Sule Hamma and Alhaji Buba Galadinma who are Director-General and Secretary respectively. Both men were senior functionaries in the General Sani Abacha regime-Hamma as political adviser and Galadinma as Nigerian Maritime Authority Director-General. General Buhari himself was the powerful Executive Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) under Abacha; and Abacha’s son Muhammed is the party’s governorship candidate in Kano State.
In spite of blurred ideological positions, I place the CPC as a far right grouping as will inevitably be manifest if it attains power at the federal or state levels. All power is vested in a shadowy, unelected Board of Trustees populated by Buhari’s inner core and it is inconceivable that anyone challenge Buhari, Hamma and Galadinma within the party. None of these three individuals has sterling democratic credentials! The CPC’s manifesto includes some promises-devolution of power to states and local governments; removal of constitutional immunity from public officers; transparency and accountability; a target of 10 percent minimum annual GDP growth; modernisation of agriculture; and investments in infrastructure, amongst others. However the manifesto resembles a laundry list of “attractive” promises with little enunciation of how they will be achieved. Nevertheless the existence of such commitments is a fair start.
General Muhammadu Buhari, the presidential candidate was sole aspirant, ratified without opposition at its convention. He previously served between 1975 and 1979 as oil minister under the Murtala/Obasanjo military regime; participated in the December 31, 1993 coup that removed the civilian regime of Alhaji Shehu Shagari; and became military Head of State. As military ruler, he explicitly ruled out a return to civilian rule; indicated that he would tamper with press freedom and consequently enacted Decree 4 under which he jailed two journalists-Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson; enacted retroactive legislation under which some drug dealers were killed-an act of executive murder; and his regime sought to abridge citizens’ rights and fundamental freedoms. Politically Buhari’s was the most unbalanced government in Nigerian history-both himself and his deputy, General Tunde Idiagbon were Hausa/Fulani Muslims (in spite of Idiagbon’s Yoruba sounding name, he was reportedly Fulani) and the composition of his Supreme Military Council was especially lop-sided.
Such seeming parochialism was also reflected in Buhari’s decisions as Head of State-he prematurely cleared the former regime’s leader of corruption, attributing all fault to Shagari’s deputy, Dr Alex Ekwueme who he jailed in Kirikiri prisons, while Shagari was held under house arrest! He seemed particularly intent on dealing with opposition elements rather than the NPN leaders; while the country’s borders were closed during a currency change exercise, the notorious 53 suitcases affair happened reportedly under Buhari’s direct instructions. After leaving office, Buhari presided over the PTF under Abacha’s kleptocratic and murderous regime. While Buhari may be personally incorrupt, there is no evidence that institutions he presided over were spared the vice-Nigerian oil sector from 1975-1979, the counter-trade scam under his military government and the large scale corruption in PTF being clear examples. He has also made statements which re-enforce his image of ethnic and/or religious jingoism-a call for “total implementation of Sharia” all over Nigeria at an Arewa House, Kaduna seminar of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria on August 26, 2001; a call on Muslims to vote for only persons who would defend their faith; incendiary comments as leader of a Fulani delegation to then Oyo governor Lam Adesina; and a statement on June 8, 2008 that General Abacha did not do anything wrong. It is legitimate to worry that while Buhari served in Abacha’s regime, he had no problem with the repression, state-sponsored killings and looting going on. There is absolutely no evidence that the General has changed his mind on any of these issues.
Buhari has shown no interest in policy and economic issues in spite of having contested two previous elections. His military regime’s economic thinking was crude and abysmal and at his party’s recent convention, he merely referred any one interested in finding out his policy thrust to the party manifesto! The evidence indeed suggests that he lacks the temperament for management, effectively abdicating power to a trusted aide in every previous position, now likely to be Hamma or Galadinma. The General’s weaknesses are severe-his credentials and antecedents appear anti-democratic (re-enforced by the CPC structure whose Board of Trustees functions like a Supreme Military Council!) and parochial; he has scant administrative, economic and policy competences; and he comes across as intolerant and inflexible. Unfortunately his running-mate, Pastor Tunde Bakare shares most of these weaknesses!!! Bakare appears to have been selected solely to blunt criticisms of Buhari’s Shariah advocacy.
I score Buhari 7 for personal qualities; 4 on vision and leadership; 6 for policy platform and manifesto; 3 on economic management; 6 on anti-corruption; 4 for international relations; 4 on national unity and stability; 3 on democracy and institution-building; 3 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 3 for administration and execution and 4 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 47 out of a possible 110 marks.
In spite of blurred ideological positions, I place the CPC as a far right grouping as will inevitably be manifest if it attains power at the federal or state levels. All power is vested in a shadowy, unelected Board of Trustees populated by Buhari’s inner core and it is inconceivable that anyone challenge Buhari, Hamma and Galadinma within the party. None of these three individuals has sterling democratic credentials! The CPC’s manifesto includes some promises-devolution of power to states and local governments; removal of constitutional immunity from public officers; transparency and accountability; a target of 10 percent minimum annual GDP growth; modernisation of agriculture; and investments in infrastructure, amongst others. However the manifesto resembles a laundry list of “attractive” promises with little enunciation of how they will be achieved. Nevertheless the existence of such commitments is a fair start.
General Muhammadu Buhari, the presidential candidate was sole aspirant, ratified without opposition at its convention. He previously served between 1975 and 1979 as oil minister under the Murtala/Obasanjo military regime; participated in the December 31, 1993 coup that removed the civilian regime of Alhaji Shehu Shagari; and became military Head of State. As military ruler, he explicitly ruled out a return to civilian rule; indicated that he would tamper with press freedom and consequently enacted Decree 4 under which he jailed two journalists-Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson; enacted retroactive legislation under which some drug dealers were killed-an act of executive murder; and his regime sought to abridge citizens’ rights and fundamental freedoms. Politically Buhari’s was the most unbalanced government in Nigerian history-both himself and his deputy, General Tunde Idiagbon were Hausa/Fulani Muslims (in spite of Idiagbon’s Yoruba sounding name, he was reportedly Fulani) and the composition of his Supreme Military Council was especially lop-sided.
Such seeming parochialism was also reflected in Buhari’s decisions as Head of State-he prematurely cleared the former regime’s leader of corruption, attributing all fault to Shagari’s deputy, Dr Alex Ekwueme who he jailed in Kirikiri prisons, while Shagari was held under house arrest! He seemed particularly intent on dealing with opposition elements rather than the NPN leaders; while the country’s borders were closed during a currency change exercise, the notorious 53 suitcases affair happened reportedly under Buhari’s direct instructions. After leaving office, Buhari presided over the PTF under Abacha’s kleptocratic and murderous regime. While Buhari may be personally incorrupt, there is no evidence that institutions he presided over were spared the vice-Nigerian oil sector from 1975-1979, the counter-trade scam under his military government and the large scale corruption in PTF being clear examples. He has also made statements which re-enforce his image of ethnic and/or religious jingoism-a call for “total implementation of Sharia” all over Nigeria at an Arewa House, Kaduna seminar of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria on August 26, 2001; a call on Muslims to vote for only persons who would defend their faith; incendiary comments as leader of a Fulani delegation to then Oyo governor Lam Adesina; and a statement on June 8, 2008 that General Abacha did not do anything wrong. It is legitimate to worry that while Buhari served in Abacha’s regime, he had no problem with the repression, state-sponsored killings and looting going on. There is absolutely no evidence that the General has changed his mind on any of these issues.
Buhari has shown no interest in policy and economic issues in spite of having contested two previous elections. His military regime’s economic thinking was crude and abysmal and at his party’s recent convention, he merely referred any one interested in finding out his policy thrust to the party manifesto! The evidence indeed suggests that he lacks the temperament for management, effectively abdicating power to a trusted aide in every previous position, now likely to be Hamma or Galadinma. The General’s weaknesses are severe-his credentials and antecedents appear anti-democratic (re-enforced by the CPC structure whose Board of Trustees functions like a Supreme Military Council!) and parochial; he has scant administrative, economic and policy competences; and he comes across as intolerant and inflexible. Unfortunately his running-mate, Pastor Tunde Bakare shares most of these weaknesses!!! Bakare appears to have been selected solely to blunt criticisms of Buhari’s Shariah advocacy.
I score Buhari 7 for personal qualities; 4 on vision and leadership; 6 for policy platform and manifesto; 3 on economic management; 6 on anti-corruption; 4 for international relations; 4 on national unity and stability; 3 on democracy and institution-building; 3 for human rights, press freedom and open society; 3 for administration and execution and 4 bonus marks for his running-mate totalling 47 out of a possible 110 marks.
Wednesday, March 2, 2011
Presidential Scorecards
The 2011 elections are a critical point in Nigeria’s evolution. I believe the country could turn in any of four directions-we could have credible and successful elections with the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) retaining power; we could have an opposition coalition take power; the elections could lack credibility and result in a scenario similar to the post-2007 legitimacy crisis but the country forges ahead in spite of reservations; and we do have a crisis possibility in which there is instability and disruption of governance. All the first three scenarios are possible, and the fourth is not impossible! Broadly speaking 2011 may be a turning point for Nigeria’s transformation, or if mismanaged it could lead to trying times and redefine Nigeria’s future!! I am optimistic that Nigeria will choose transformation over instability!!!
Over the next four weeks, I will be reviewing the scorecards of the major presidential candidates-incumbent President Dr Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); former military Head of State General Muhammadu Buhari of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC); former EFCC Chairman Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN); and outgoing Kano State Governor Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). I acknowledge the presence of at least four other candidates-Professor Pat Utomi of the Social Democratic Mega Party (SDMP); Mr John Dara of the National Transformation Party (NTP); Mr Dele Momodu of National Conscience Party (NCP) and Reverend Kris Okotie of the Fresh Democratic Party (FDP). This analysis will not include them not because of their suitability or otherwise, but because they or their parties are unlikely to significantly affect the electoral outcome.
I intend to adopt an objective and systematic approach to the analysis so I have devised a scoring system based on 10 criteria-personal qualities; vision and leadership; policy platform and manifesto; economic management; anti-corruption; international relations; national unity and stability; democracy and institution-building; human rights, press freedom and open society; and administration and execution. The assessment will primarily be of the presidential candidates based on the reality of our constitutional executive presidency and I will award ten marks for each of these criteria summing up to 100. As is well-known in the US system which our constitution mirrors, while the running-mate may damage or assist the candidate, the voters understand that it is the president that governs. I will however include ten bonus marks for the candidates’ choice of running-mate based on whatever value they could potentially add to the presidency.
The scorecard elements reflect what I think are our national imperatives. The need for leadership with commitment, integrity, vision, and understanding of policy and developmental challenges of the Nigerian nation; the need for economic transformation of Nigeria in terms of infrastructure (particularly power and transportation), social investment in education, health, housing and employment, macro-economic stability and improving investment climates; the need to tackle corruption through leadership, policies, economic transformation, building opportunity, institutions and social safety nets and effective law enforcement; sustaining and expanding Nigeria’s international relationships and leadership role in ECOWAS, Africa, the Commonwealth and the world and attracting foreign direct investment; maintaining national unity, cohesion, stability, secularity, defence and security and evolving a truly federal system of co-equal people and federating units as well as restoring enduring peace in the Niger-Delta, Jos and the Borno region; deepening democracy, avoiding authoritarianism and building institutions; maintaining and expanding human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of information and the press; finally I believe plans and manifestoes are nothing if the leadership lacks administrative competence and execution. In respect of the running-mates, I will specifically examine whether they obviate the candidates’ weaknesses and/or add tangible value to the ticket.
The evaluations I will present reflect my personal opinions, but I will seek to be objective and base all analysis on facts and verifiable positions, the antecedents of the candidates and the political reality around them. I will discount political propaganda, myths, unsubstantiated positions, sentiments and wishful thinking. I will, before presenting each candidates scorecard, review all available information about the candidate and present my own deductions and overall assessment of the candidate such that the basis for my rating will be explicit and apparent to all. I guarantee that no rational person will be able to fault any statements of fact included in my analysis. I understand of course that partisans may not agree even with facts!
I believe Nigerian democracy can still not be taken for granted. Our constitution is still evolving; our democratic rights and fundamental freedoms are yet to mature; significant investments in infrastructure and social services are yet required; and national and societal values require reform. We have important economic choices and decisions either yet to be made or still in early implementation stages and our position in the world is still unsettled. I am not as sanguine as many I listen to these days about how easy it is to redress a wrong choice of leader. Accordingly I believe Nigerians should base leadership selection in the April 2011 elections on a careful review of “balanced scorecard” of those aspiring to lead us, and not on anger, sentiments or whimsical considerations. This series is my contribution in that regard.
Over the next four weeks, I will be reviewing the scorecards of the major presidential candidates-incumbent President Dr Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); former military Head of State General Muhammadu Buhari of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC); former EFCC Chairman Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN); and outgoing Kano State Governor Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). I acknowledge the presence of at least four other candidates-Professor Pat Utomi of the Social Democratic Mega Party (SDMP); Mr John Dara of the National Transformation Party (NTP); Mr Dele Momodu of National Conscience Party (NCP) and Reverend Kris Okotie of the Fresh Democratic Party (FDP). This analysis will not include them not because of their suitability or otherwise, but because they or their parties are unlikely to significantly affect the electoral outcome.
I intend to adopt an objective and systematic approach to the analysis so I have devised a scoring system based on 10 criteria-personal qualities; vision and leadership; policy platform and manifesto; economic management; anti-corruption; international relations; national unity and stability; democracy and institution-building; human rights, press freedom and open society; and administration and execution. The assessment will primarily be of the presidential candidates based on the reality of our constitutional executive presidency and I will award ten marks for each of these criteria summing up to 100. As is well-known in the US system which our constitution mirrors, while the running-mate may damage or assist the candidate, the voters understand that it is the president that governs. I will however include ten bonus marks for the candidates’ choice of running-mate based on whatever value they could potentially add to the presidency.
The scorecard elements reflect what I think are our national imperatives. The need for leadership with commitment, integrity, vision, and understanding of policy and developmental challenges of the Nigerian nation; the need for economic transformation of Nigeria in terms of infrastructure (particularly power and transportation), social investment in education, health, housing and employment, macro-economic stability and improving investment climates; the need to tackle corruption through leadership, policies, economic transformation, building opportunity, institutions and social safety nets and effective law enforcement; sustaining and expanding Nigeria’s international relationships and leadership role in ECOWAS, Africa, the Commonwealth and the world and attracting foreign direct investment; maintaining national unity, cohesion, stability, secularity, defence and security and evolving a truly federal system of co-equal people and federating units as well as restoring enduring peace in the Niger-Delta, Jos and the Borno region; deepening democracy, avoiding authoritarianism and building institutions; maintaining and expanding human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of information and the press; finally I believe plans and manifestoes are nothing if the leadership lacks administrative competence and execution. In respect of the running-mates, I will specifically examine whether they obviate the candidates’ weaknesses and/or add tangible value to the ticket.
The evaluations I will present reflect my personal opinions, but I will seek to be objective and base all analysis on facts and verifiable positions, the antecedents of the candidates and the political reality around them. I will discount political propaganda, myths, unsubstantiated positions, sentiments and wishful thinking. I will, before presenting each candidates scorecard, review all available information about the candidate and present my own deductions and overall assessment of the candidate such that the basis for my rating will be explicit and apparent to all. I guarantee that no rational person will be able to fault any statements of fact included in my analysis. I understand of course that partisans may not agree even with facts!
I believe Nigerian democracy can still not be taken for granted. Our constitution is still evolving; our democratic rights and fundamental freedoms are yet to mature; significant investments in infrastructure and social services are yet required; and national and societal values require reform. We have important economic choices and decisions either yet to be made or still in early implementation stages and our position in the world is still unsettled. I am not as sanguine as many I listen to these days about how easy it is to redress a wrong choice of leader. Accordingly I believe Nigerians should base leadership selection in the April 2011 elections on a careful review of “balanced scorecard” of those aspiring to lead us, and not on anger, sentiments or whimsical considerations. This series is my contribution in that regard.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)